The purpose of the work was to understand the broader landscape of the WFG Act, and the maps that are in the evidence paper do describe to some extent the broadness of that landscape. So, for instance, the legislation landscape itself has at least 11 pieces of legislation that interact with the WFG Act. Now, these interactions are quite significant interactions. There are other interactions that are not on here. These are the ones where new bodies are created and where other legislation supplements the WFG Act and where other legislation taps into the operational mechanism of the WFG Act—so, like the Social Partnership and Public Procurement (Wales) Act. For instance, the Environment (Air Quality and Soundscapes) (Wales) Act 2024 interacts, but interacts on a minor level. It requires PSBs and the commissioner to be consulted on a new soundscape strategy, for instance. But this describes, I suppose, or illustrates the scope of the Act, and so every other piece of legislation that interacts with the WFG Act to some extent is implementing the Act even further. So, a future evaluation would need to look at this landscape and say, 'Well, to what extent are all the other pieces of legislation that lend the purpose and intended effect of the WFG Act actually implementing it even further?' And some of the other pieces of legislation, for instance, might have the same, or some of the public bodies already subject to the WFG Act. So, that's kind of an illustration of that existing landscape.
On the duty on public bodies, there are several other duties on public bodies. Public bodies are required to review their objectives as part of the reporting process, and they can amend their objectives. So, every time a new duty is passed—and we have lots of them, as you can see—some of the public bodies under the WFG Act are subject to these other duties. So, you could argue that a public body, in reviewing its objectives, would take into account other duties that contribute to the well-being goals, for instance. So, that would improve their setting of objectives to maximise a contribution to the well-being goals, and that's the key bit, I think, for public bodies—that the drafting of the well-being duty says it's to maximise a contribution. So, they have to set well-being objectives for all of the goals, but, for some bodies, there's a bit of flexibility in the statutory guidance. Each body will do that based on their role and function, but they'll also be reporting on these other objectives, these other duties, at the same time, which would influence how they set their own well-being objectives and how they maximise their contribution to the goals.
The final map—I'll be really quick—is about general powers. In the evidence paper, we say that the kinds of key regulators in the Act, those with the strongest roles in the Act, don't include PSBs. But what's really important about this map No. 3, really, is the the sharing of information—so that third column: recipients, consideration and consultation. So, it doesn't describe what information is being published, but it does show you the flow of information in the Act—so, what information is being created, what reports, who they go to, what those bodies or persons are expected to do with that information. This is really important to understand, with the mechanism around the flow of information under a future evaluation, whether the balance is right in the Act, whether it should be stronger or weaker, or is it actually working well. So, the maps, I suppose, essentially, are about understanding that bigger picture, and part of Adrian Kay's work was to try and scope out the extent to which the Act—. What is the reach of the Act? And that's why we produced these maps.